Provisional Central Committee, Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

Provisional Central Committee, Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) is pro-naxalist political party in India. The general secretary of the party is Santosh Rana.
The PCC, CPI (ML) evolved out of the group loyal to Satyanarayan Singh from the original Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist). Singh rebelled against the party leader Charu Majumdar in 1971, provoking a split. In April 1973 Singh's party was reorganised.
Santosh Rana had broken with Charu Majumdar in 1971, and later joined Singh's group. During the period 1975-80 the Chandrapulla Reddy group (which in 1971 had broken away from the Andhra Pradesh Committee of Communist Revolutionaries) based in Andhra Pradesh formed a part of Singh's CPI (ML).
Singh's CPI (ML) was amongst the first of the ML-factions that started participating in elections. The party gave some sort of support to the attempt of the Janata Party-movement to bring down the regime of Indira Gandhi, something that the more orthodox ML-factions saw as treachery. In 1977 Santosh Rana was elected to the West Bengal state assembly from the Gopiballavpur constituency (one of the areas were CPI (ML) had started armed struggle following the model of the Naxalbari uprising). Rana got 13401 votes (25, 67%), which was enough to defeat the CPI (M), Indian National Congress and Janata Party candidates. Singh's CPI (ML) were also able to register the party name Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) with the Election Commission of India, but the registration was later lost.
Around 1980 Singh's group appeared as the strongest ML-faction, but with the exit of Chandrapulla Reddy and other splits the party shrunk. In 1984 a severe split occurred, with the loyalists of Singh opposed to the group of Santosh Rana and Vaskar Nandy. The Singh faction levelled the following accusation: ¨"In our organisation also, Nandy’s close associates established contacts with a foreign voluntary agency and a native voluntary agency financed by Western monopoly capital, keeping it secret from the POC and the general secretary of the party, S N Singh. They established contact with Rural Aid Consortium of Tagore Society which is financed by West European countries and the USA and with one Danish Organisation on the Plea of providing relief to the people of Gobiballabpur in West Bengal and some areas in Bihar. Lakhs of rupees were received for digging tanks, constructing school building opening a sewing training center and distributing chickens and cattle to the needy. It also came to our notice that money was being received by some of our leaders from the Lutheran Church. When it came to light to the PCC members, an intense ideological struggle burst forth in the party on this issue." (Our differences with Nandy-Rana group, PCC-CPI (ML), p. 29)
The group of Rana came to win a majority in the leadership (the provisional central committee) and Singh's followers formed a new committee (and de facto a new party). Singh died shortly afterwards.
Rana's group differentiates themselves from other ML-factions through their emphasis on antifascism. Rana considers the Hindu nationalist BJP as a fascist danger for India. PCC, CPI (ML) gives the advice to their followers to vote for parties like CPI (M) or even the Indian National Congress in constituencies were no revolutionary communist candidate is available.
Ahead of the 2004 Lok Sabha elections the party participated in the united front of revolutionary communists initiated by Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Red Flag and Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist).
In the Bodo-dominated areas in Assam, the party works through a mass organization called United Reservation Movement Council of Assam. PCC, CPI (ML) and URMCA are opponents of the Bodo nationalist movements. In the Lok Sabha elections in 2004 the URMCA candidate in Kokrajhar got 205 491 votes (21, 25%). In the 1999 election the URMCA candidate had gotten 246 942 votes (27, 75%) in the same constituency.
PCC, CPI (ML) publishes For a New Democracy as its central organ. The editor-in-chief is Vaskar Nandy.